中英文在线翻译Community tourism analysts tend to assume, often impl

中英文在线翻译
Community tourism analysts tend to assume, often implicitly, that the planning and policy process is a pluralistic one in which people have equal access to economic and political resources. This assumption runs through ecological models of tourism planning (Murphy 1985) as well as more general assumptions about the nature of tourism. For example, the tourism system is frequently described as highly fragmented (Shaw and Williams 1994). This observation has led to the assumption that “no single organization or individual can exert direct control over the destination’s development process” (Jamal and Getz 1995:193). In the most narrow interpretation, it is true that individuals often rely on coalitions with other private or public individuals or agencies. Yet, such an interpretation masks the pivotal role that actions of individuals can have at the local scale. For example, the success of Chemainus, Canada as a tourism destination is largely attributable to the initiative and promotion of one person (Barnes and Hayter 1992). At a larger scale, the design and management of Disney World in Florida have created problems in Greater Orlando (e.g., transportation, housing, poverty) that residents perceive are exacerbated by, if not entirely created by, the Disney Corporation (Warren 1993).

旅游界分析家倾向于假定,一般都比较含蓄的,规划和政策过程是一个多元化的过程,任何一人都能获得同等的经济和政治资源.这个假设贯穿生态模式（墨菲1985）,以及更一般的旅游种类的假设.例如,旅游系统往往被描述为高度零散（肖和威廉姆斯1994）.这个观测导致了这样的假设“没有一个组织或者个人可以直接控制目的地的发展过程”（杰默和盖特兹1995：193）最狭义的解释是个人常常依赖同私营的或者公共的个体或组织的协作.然而,这样的解释掩饰了枢纽作用,即个别的行为能存在于本土范围内.例如,加拿大彻梅纳斯作为旅游目的地的成功,很大程度上归于一个人的主动性和推广（巴尼斯和黑特1992）.在很大的范围,佛罗里达州的迪斯尼世界的设计和管理给奥兰多带来了一个问题（例如,交通、住房、贫困）,居民认为是如果不完全是迪斯尼公司造成的,至少也是它加剧了这一境况（沃润1993）.